British Council launch Feb 18 '14

IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality was launched with great success at the British Council in Delhi earlier this week and is now on saleIndia Today has put up on the internet a copy of a five-page spread that appeared in the magazine last weekend – here’s a report and excerpts:

‘The Inheritance of Loss – John Elliott describes Congress descent into chaos’ by Sharla Bazliel 

“John Elliott is an old India hand who belongs to that delightful breed of Englishmen for whom India became home without any obvious forethought or design. “I didn’t stay, I just never left. There is a difference,” Elliott is quick to emphasise…

book-mos_021514020242“Much like its subject itself, Implosion is a large, sprawling book, an excellent primer of sorts for anyone interested in learning why India has come to this impasse. Elliott goes to great lengths to examine how and why the nation has squandered its massive potential and fallen prey to greed, wastage and arrogant displays of wealth.

“Implosion is a refreshingly clear-eyed look at a society ridden by corruption and made ineffectual by an overwhelming dependence on the ‘national approach’ of jugaad and a chalta hai attitude. ‘I didn’t set out to write a negative book. It grew into one. India was a country which greatly appealed to me in the 1980s when I first came here. I once thought of it as a country that would only get better with time,’ Elliott says. But then it didn’t”

EXCERPTS……..

“We have got to get rid of the cobwebs,’ Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao told top officials on 21 June 1991, the day he formed his new Congress government. Go away to your office, he said to Manmohan Singh, and work out some details.

Thus was born, with a classic understatement, India’s biggest burst of economic liberalization that, over the past 25 years, has touched almost every corner of this vast country and affected the lives of virtually everyone in the billion plus population. Chalta hai had been pushed aside by a dire financial crisis, but none of the officials in Rao’s office that morning could have dreamed of the long-term effects of the measures they would be launching, and nor could he. They knew they were about to remove industrial, trade and financial controls that would help to solve the crisis by freeing up economic activity and generating international trade.

What happened, however, was far more dramatic. The moves they initiated gradually unleashed previously repressed entrepreneurial drive, skills and aspirations. This was accelerated by unpredictably rapid expansion of information technology and the internet, plus India’s growing involvement in international business and trade. Manmohan Singh was at the meeting because he was about to be named finance minister-he was sworn in later in the day with the rest of the cabinet…

The ‘M’ document

The 1991 reforms first appeared publicly on 11 July 1990 as an unsigned article headed ‘Towards a restructuring of industrial, trade & fiscal policies’ that was spread across a page and a half of the Financial Express newspaper. A note by the editor (A.M. Khusro) said that there had been ‘some controversy’ over a government policy paper that was being considered by a committee of secretaries, so the Express was publishing it ‘to generate a public debate on matters raised in the document’.

No one knew for sure who wrote the document, but Montek Singh Ahluwalia, one of India’s leading economic policy makers who now runs the Planning Commission as deputy chairman, has revealed to me that he was the author. Who leaked what was later dubbed the ‘M’ document-with the title page removed to hide its source-remains a mystery. Maybe it was Ahluwalia himself!

I tracked down the article because I was convinced that Manmohan Singh was not the architect of the reforms and had heard that Ahluwalia was said to have written something called ‘What’s left to be done’ at the end of Rajiv Gandhi’s 1984-89 government. I followed the trail till Ahluwalia told me in June 2013 about the ‘M’ document and admitted authorship, though he did not have a copy.

The Indian Express then searched its Chandigarh archives and later in the year found it and I passed a photostat to Ahluwalia, who said, ‘it takes me really down memory lane’. Ahluwalia confirmed that he initially wrote the ideas as an overview of ‘what needed to be done’ late in Gandhi’s government when he was an economic adviser in the prime minister’s office… The ideas were discussed by a high-level committee of secretaries (the top level of the civil service) and that became the Financial Express leak… Ahluwalia says that the paper was specially significant because it pulled together a comprehensive approach for tackling India’s economic problems and set out a five-year plan with firm objectives though it acknowledged it was bound to create more controversy.

Sonia and Rahul

Sonia Gandhi’s central political importance was demonstrated by the UPA government’s erratic behaviour while she was away ill…

Did the disarray while she was away develop because the government was missing her and her advisers’ sure touch, and had she developed a little-known sense of what needed to be done politically? Or were ministers and officials scared to make decisions that might arouse her (or Rahul’s) wrath later? Or was it because the Gandhi dynasty dominated government channels of authority and decision-making to such an extent that the cabinet and administration could not function without her? Whatever the answer-and maybe it was a mixture of all three-it certainly demonstrated how lost the government was without her.

Rahul played little part ……His appearances in parliament were rare, and he made only three important speeches and interventions in his ten years as an MP….

I noticed his lack of presence in an informal atmosphere one afternoon in August 2012 at Delhi’s Visual Arts gallery where he and Sonia Gandhi had gone (with impressively minimal security) to see works by Devangana Kumar, daughter of the Lok Sabha Speaker, Meira Kumar. Although she looked tired and unwell, Sonia had a presence, but what struck me most was how unimpressive Rahul looked on an occasion when he was not performing publicly.

He dutifully followed his mother around the exhibition but he showed scant curiosity while she asked questions about the socially significant works (photographs of servants of the British Raj reproduced as large prints on velvet). He did not have any of the presence and charisma that one would expect from a 42-year old leader.

This reticence made me wonder whether he could ever grow into the top role……..That Saturday afternoon, he looked as if he just wanted to fade away.”

From the left, Vikram Chandra and Pramod Bhasin. Right, Swapan Dasgupta

From the left, Vikram Chandra and Pramod Bhasin. Right, Swapan Dasgupta

My book IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality is being launched this evening and is now in bookshops in Delhi and on line – soon it will be across India – sales abroad will come later

BN-BO316_implos_G_20140217225726This morning the Wall Street Journal’s India Real Time news website has run an except with the headline above – see below and click here for the full spread. In the foreign policy chapters, I question India’s limited role abroad and its reluctance to emerge as an international player:

“India has learned that it can say ‘no’ to the US…and the US has learned – maybe with some surprise – that India is not prepared to become an obedient ally, and that it will not dutifully follow American wishes on foreign policy or on quickly opening up foreign investment regulations to hungry US companies….

There are however sceptics about the relationship in India, as well as those in the US who strongly believe India should be more docile and subservient. There will always be headlines about differences. Usually these will be on issues such as Iran and there is also concern in India about how determined the US is to support Asian countries against the sort of Chinese aggression seen in the East China Sea.

There will also be unexpected rows, as happened in December 2013 when US law officers suddenly arrested Devyani Khobragade, India’s 39-year-old deputy consul general in New York, just as she was dropping her daughter at school…..

The sharp reaction – and media frenzy – in India flushed out a latent anti-America feeling born of resentment of the way the US threw its weight around. As Stephen Cohen of the Brookings Institution in Washington was reported saying in the Financial Times, ‘we have created a myth that India is pro-America and that is not the case’..

Before this row broke out, the relationship had been drifting because of a lack of care in both countries with a weakly-led Indian embassy in the US and an American ambassador in Delhi who, though able, could not excite political support back home. There were few, if any, committed supporters in the Obama administration, and there were many officials and commentators in India who enjoyed taking a more aggressive stance.

The drift had increased as the Indian government and the country’s economy became weaker. The strategic dialogue was continuing but no top leader in either country was consistently pushing it ahead…….

Much has however been achieved, and a lasting ‘strategic partnership, not an alliance’ (as Menon [national security advisor Shivshankar Menon] put it) is in place after a decade of work. How it develops will depend largely on how America’s initiatives in the Asia-Pacific region play out, especially with China.

India’s role will depend on its reactions as those events unfold, and whether it has the will – and maybe one day the economic strength – to play a leading role in world affairs. Either way, the new relationship with the US has to be seen as a positive development, provided India maintains its independence as a friend and occasional partner but not an ally.

Follow India Real Time on Twitter @WSJIndia

Posted by: John Elliott | February 14, 2014

‘Scam Andhra’ MPs cripple parliament to protect business deals

Unprecedented chaos and violence that closed India’s Lok Sabha parliamentary proceedings yesterday graphically demonstrates how respect for India’s most revered institutions is crumbling as greed and raw politics disrupt the functioning of government and the running of the country.

The protests were not even about the political issue being debated – a Bill was being tabled to split the southern state of Andhra Pradesh and create a new state of Telangana. They were primarily about protecting businessmen’s investments in Andhra’s capital of Hyderabad and elsewhere in the state, where crony capitalism and corruption ran rampant under a former chief minister, Y.S.Rajasekhara Reddy, who was killed in a helicopter crash in 2009. The businessmen who thrived under YSR’s rule and did deals with his  son Jagan (now facing corruption charges) originally came from other parts of the state and think they will lose their investments and political clout if Telangana is formed.

Rajagopal - exCong MP-002Among the MPs who were most at fault – using a pepper spray, smashing a glass table top and allegedly brandishing a knife – two have possibly vulnerable investments in the city and elsewhere.

The pepper spray was wielded by Lagadapati Rajagopal, (left) founder and chairman of the highly indebted Lanco infrastructure group, which is India’s biggest private sector power producer. Venugopal Reddy, (below) who smashed a microphone on a glass table top, heads the Ramky group that benefited under the YSR regime and is involved in the corruption charges.

But it is not only these MPs who are at fault. The crisis has been caused by the Congress Party led by Sonia Gandhi, which has gone ahead with the decades-old claim for Telangana – not for any good reason of governance, but because she believes it will could increase the number of seats her party wins in the coming general election.

My book IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality, which is being launched next week in Delhi by Harper Collins India (and is available here), has a chapter headed Scam Andhra. I describe the state as a microcosm of what is wrong in India because of “corruption and illicit links between companies and government that are now part of India’s political and business landscape”.

Implosion is defined as inward collapse when internal forces “gradually eat away at institutions, organizational procedures and the functioning of authority that are needed to run a country”.

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Here are extracts from the chapter:

“The city has become a symbol of what is wrong with India. It embraces dynastic political ambitions based on personal greed and the lauding of companies that have grown fat on fraudulent land and other deals, literally plundering the state’s wealth. The trend first became widely noticed in 2009, when the Hyderabad-based Satyam, India’s fourth largest software company, collapsed in a fraud scandal involving local politicians and a prominent business family….

“Satyam and its allied infrastructure company, Maytas (Satyam spelt in reverse), were just the tip of a vast iceberg that gradually became exposed after the state’s Congress chief minister, Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy (YSR), was killed in a helicopter crash in September 2009. YSR’s death, just a few months after being re-elected for a second term, triggered a series of events that led to widespread police inquiries, court cases, and the jailing of businessmen and politicians.

“Businessmen involved in the state’s companies form a new entrepreneurial community that is significant in the same way as clans such as the Marwaris or the Chettiars….With easily identifiable names like Reddy, Raju and Rao, the Andhra businessmen travelled [across] Andhra, bearing farming wealth from the state’s flourishing coastal regions to Hyderabad…..There they worked with politicians, and together grew rich in real estate, land deals and infrastructure projects – and then became involved in politics themselves….

“Among the most powerful and vocal anti-Telangana politicians have been Lagadapati Rajagopal, founder of the once rapidly-growing but now heavily-indebted Lanco Infratech infrastructure, power and construction group…..he was one of the financiers of a padayatra in 2003 by YSR that helped to bring him to power.  Rajagopal’s development plans in and around Hyderabad could be hit hard if the state is split.…

“YSR proved himself to be one of India’s most skilful regional politicians, seemingly working for the good of the state and the rural poor, while building himself an unassailable Congress power base by providing the Gandhi family with strong loyalty and support. That won him a comfortable re-election victory five months before he was killed, despite reports of widespread corruption and corporate cronyism that had been circulating about him and his son Jagan for some time….

”YSR’s significance was demonstrated by the huge mass of mourners – from Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to the rural poor – who gathered to pay their last respects at his funeral….If YSR had lived, it is reasonable to assume that the projects, corruption, kickbacks and funding would still be continuing today, with grateful Congress party leaders in Delhi doting on their loyal and valuable friend….

“Sonia Gandhi and her fellow national party leaders appear to have done nothing during YSR’s rule to stop the corrupt deals, even though they would have been fully aware of them. There were reports that YSR was ‘sending huge sums of money for the Congress in Delhi every month in the name of ‘organisational expenses’….

“YSR came from a tough and feudal society background in Rayalaseema, which is frequently named for its ‘bad lands’, and his rise reflects how many of India’s regional politicians have grown rich and powerful from poor origins. His family mixed Christian missionary work with business in the rough mining industry and there is death and brutality in the family’s history…..

“While he was chief minister, YSR moved on from the usual pattern of corruption – politicians and bureaucrats taking bribes in return for favours – and secured the loyalty of his supporters by providing business opportunities for contractors in unregulated, over-priced and scam-ridden irrigation, highways and other projects. The contractors and developers showed their gratitude by taking stakes in companies run by Jagan, mainly in a media business called Sakshi, and politicians and others cronies invested in the development and real estate schemes. Instead of just taking kickbacks, YSR’s family and political associates became joint investors and stakeholders with their business contacts…..

Venugopal Reddy - TDP-001“Along with other key companies that he controlled with investments totalling Rs 797 crore, Jagati Publications became a focal point in 2012 and 2013 for investigations into money laundering by India’s Enforcement Directorate, and for separate corruption inquiries by the CBI into Jagan’s alleged ‘disproportionate assets’….

“Companies caught up in the assets case included Tamil Nadu-based India Cements, run by N. Srinivasan, who has been a dominant figure in the politics of Indian cricket as the chairman of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) from 2011. He was also involved in the IPL championship controversies…. The allegations [included] companies such as …. Ramky Group…. listed as allegedly providing funds for Bharathi Cement, Jagati Publications, Carmel Asia Holdings and other businesses run by Jagan, and receiving favours in return…..

GMR, GVK, Lanco

A clutch of Andhra companies that thrived….. went on to run big projects in the rest of India and then abroad. They include names such as Satyam in software, and GMR, GVK and Lanco in infrastructure… Lanco, is the most politically high profile of the three companies, having been led initially by Lagadapati Rajagopal, the Congress MP and a key YSR supporter…. His brother L. Madhusudan Rao and brother-in-law G. Bhaskara Rao now run the group, which claims to be India’s largest private sector power producer and also has coal mining interests in Australia. To improve its image, Lanco moved its headquarters from Hyderabad to Gurgaon on the outskirts of Delhi but it became over-extended and lost large-scale projects for lack of funds, pulled out of others, dismissed a large number of employees, and formally announced a debt-restructuring process in 2013…..

“Some time in the future, Andhra’s years of fraud and deception will almost certainly be seen, in the traditions of early American business, as merely one of the stepping stones that a new economy takes when it suddenly enjoys unexpected riches, and the prospect of much more, if politicians are suborned, rules bent and the state cheated”.

For now though, India faces creeping implosion.

Posted by: John Elliott | February 2, 2014

Moderate sales and lots of people keep the India Art Fair buoyant

IAFair 003-001Delhi’s annual India Art Fair, which closed tonight, is as important for the focus it brings to Indian art and for other events that happen at the same time across the city as it is for the show itself, which has settled into a predictable mould in its sixth year.

Indeed, the exhibitions away from the fair grounds that are featuring leading modern and contemporary artists are more exciting than the fair itself, which this year has lacked dramatic new contemporary displays. In a depressed market, galleries have been showing conventional works and there has been some criticism of a lack of consistent quality, especially with Indian galleries – “kitsch” was the unkind word used by one critic to describe some exhibits, responding to me saying it was all very “predictable”.

Maybe there is nothing wrong in that. Arguably, there is no reason why India should not produce its own version of art fairs in the same way that it challenges other foreign concepts of orderliness, quality and convention. That said, the fair does confound sceptics with its efficient organisation and presentation and, as I have written several times in earlier years, its importance is that it has successfully opened up interest in Indian modern and contemporary art both in India and abroad.

IAFair 007-001Thousands of visitors, including schoolchildren, who would never venture into formal art galleries, have been touring the stands, which provide them with access to culture that they would not otherwise experience. This is similar to the Jaipur Literature festival that I wrote about ten days ago, though there the audiences are building on their existing interest in books whereas the art fair is opening new vistas.

Established Indian collectors have been at the fair to see, and some to buy, instead of relying on internet images which, gallery owners tell me, astonishingly suffices for many buyers.

The fair also brings foreign visitors to Delhi – this year, for the first time, there is a group of gallery owners and collectors and artists from China, while Christie’s, one of the fair sponsors, has brought an international group. Neha Kirpal, the founder and director of he fair, says that last year 40% of the works sold went to first time buyers, some from what are known as second tier towns that do not have art events. Several gallery owners however are sceptical about that figure, echoing doubts about some of the claims of attendances in past years which Neha has comfortably and rounded off to a cumulative unchallengeable figure of 400,000 over the past five years.

IAFair 006The array of art on show has ranged from Picasso and Andy Warhol to India’s reliable body of progressives such as M.F. Husain, F.N.Souza and contemporary artists such as Atul Dodya and a spinning mud installation (left).

There were 91 exhibitors, the biggest of which is the Delhi Art Gallery with 330 works covering 400 sq metres. Nearly a third of the total exhibitors are from abroad, though some big international names, such as the Lisson Gallery from London and Hauser & Wirth from Zurich, have not returned after appearances four or five years ago.

This indicates some disappointment with a lack of sales to big buyers, and also frustration with shipping and other problems caused by India’s customs controls that make it impractical to bring many foreign works for sale.  “There is a risk of this not going much further if the organisers don’t develop a co-ordinated programme with collectors and corporate buyers,” says Carlos Cabral Nunes of Portugal’s Perve Galeria, reflecting the views of other foreign exhibitors.

A quick survey of stands this evening produced some unhappiness, like Nunes’ frustration about a lack of big sales, and most galleries that had done well sold works ranging from under Rs100,000 (£1,000, US$1,600) to four or five times that figure, though some went far higher. London’s Grosvenor Gallery did exceedingly well selling works by Olivia Fraser., a Delhi-based British painter with limited edition prints of new works that started at Rs50,000. Archer Art Galley of Ahmedabad did well with reproduction editiona of well-known artists starting at Rs15,000.

IAFair 015At the other end of the scale, Aicon Gallery of New York and London sold four works by established Indian masters, M.F.Husain and F.N.Souza, and a younger painter G.K.Irani, for between Rs400-500,000 to Rs1.5 crore (Rs15m).

Art Alive of Delhi sold a long Thota Vaikuntum (similar but smaller than the painting at the bottom of this article) that had been priced at Rs40 lakhs (Rs40m). Mark Hachim of Paris was also happy, selling lively works, all foreign,  and including digital prints in plastic boxes (right) from Euros 5,000 (Rs420,000). Sakshi Gallery of Mumbai’s sales included a tiffin (meal) container carried by Mumbai’s dabbawwallas who are pictured in the small buttons (above).

krishen_14exh_14213_large-001

Sadly, the crowds at the fair do not then go on to the more dramatic and important exhibitions away from the event. The government-controlled National Gallery of Modern Art is featuring a retrospective by Subodh Gupta, one of India’s most prominent contemporary artists, and a collection by Amrita Sher-Gill, one of the most important painters from the first half of the last century. The government-supported Lalit Kala Akadami has an intriguing collection of specially painted extra-long works by established “moderns” commissioned by a collector Tanuj Berry. Titled Ode to the Monumental, it includes paintings by Krishen Khanna (above) and Vaikuntum (bottom). These exhibitions  could have been linked more closely with the fair, especially since the Ode works are being offered for sale by Saffronart, India’s leading on-line auction house that should benefit from the buzz with an auction later this month.

cascadeSubodh Gupta is famous for his shiny stainless steel assemblies of household pots and pan, milk containers, scooters, motorbikes and airport luggage trollies that link his origins in Bihar, India’s poorest state, with modern living (left and below right). His works were a much-promoted and popular buy in the mid-2000s when, for example, a luggage trolley painting was sold in a Christie’s auction for a record $1.1m, but his prices crashed when collectors sold off Indian contemporary works in a falling market and a similar work fetched only £180,000 ($250,000) at Sotheby’s in 2010.

Now Gupta has bounced back with the normally staid NGMA devoting much of its public space to his Everything is Inside exhibition, together with the cachet of a foreign curator, Germano Celant from Italy. There is a new Penguin book on the show, and Gupta was also fortuitously one of the winners of a Forbes India art award this week as “contemporary artist of the year (mid career)”.

photo wc's 1-001Rather more hidden away at the National Gallery is, historically, a much more important showing of nearly 100 paintings by Amrita Sher-Gill who lived only to the age of 28, dying in 1941. In that short space of time, she produced an amazing range of mostly figurative works that rarely appear in auctions or galleries but are on display now with the title The Passionate Quest, curated by Yashodhara Dalmia.

Collectors will now be watching to see what effect these events have on the market. Christie’s had an amazingly good first auction in Mumbai in December that produced record prices but that has yet to have a visible impact.

On a broader front, experts have been saying that India should look eastwards to the buoyant Chinese and south-east Asian markets to develop links. That will now begin following the visit of collectors from China, led by Philip Dodd of Made in China. Among them was  Budi Tek, a prominent Chinese-Indonesian collector who is building a museum in Shanghai. He is considering buying a contemporary work from Delhi’s Espace Gallery. Earlier in the day, he said the Indian private sector needed to build museums and public awareness.

India always looks westwards to Europe and the US for foreign accolades and praise so it will, I guess, be some time before it recognises that looking east is where the future probably lies if Indian art is to appeal internationally to a wider audience than its present relatively small group of western collectors.

Vaikuntum long-001

Posted by: John Elliott | January 28, 2014

Rahul’s TV debut ideas are right but won’t win him votes

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After ten years refusing to face a big media interview, Rahul Gandhi spent an hour and a half on a leading television channel at prime time last night explaining how he wants to reform the way that India and his Congress Party are run.

His aim, he said, was to end rule by dynasties, introduce real democracy in Congress, “change the away we do politics”, empower women and youth, punish the corrupt, and build an internationally significant manufacturing industry.

No one could write a better manifesto for making the changes that India desperately needs, but Gandhi failed to explain and add substance to his wish list with detailed policies. When pushed into a corner by the interviewer, he slipped sideways by retuning to his three priorities of changing politics, empowering women and energising the youth:

“What I want to do is going forward is basically focus on three things,” he said on the TimesNow tv channel. “Focus on empowering our people, truly empowering our people, giving them democratic rights within the political party.

“I want youngsters who come in and really, really push democracy in the party. I want to empower them and I want to make India, together with everybody, taking everybody together I want to put India on the manufacturing map, I want to make this the centre of manufacturing in the world. I want to make this place at least as much as a manufacturing power as China.

“What I feel is that this country needs to look at the fundamental issues at hand, the fundamental political issue at hand is that our Political system is controlled by too few people and we absolutely have to change the way our political system is structured, we have to change our Political parties, we have to make them more transparent, we have to change the processes that we use to elect candidates, we have to empower women in the political parties, that is where the meat of the issue but I don’t hear that discussion, I don’t hear the discussion about how are we actually choosing that candidate, that is never the discussion.”

He said (correctly!), “I am an anomaly in the environment that I’m in….I don’t get driven by the desire for power”. The “quest for power, the thirst for power” was not for him, but he w anted to use power “to reduce the pain that people feel, to reduce the pain that people feel as a result of the system that is predatory”

Rahul - Arnab 3

He also drew a sharp distinction between Congress and the rival Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), saying that Congress believed in democratically spreading power while the BJP “believes power should be extremely concentrated in this country, few people should run this country and the large mass of this country should have no voice”. That sounded neat, but it dodged the fact that most national and local Congress leaders hold the same views as he ascribed to the BJP and do not welcome his ideas.

Gandhi was side-tracked for much of the 90 minutes into arguments about headline-catching issues such as the relative horror of anti-Sikh riots in 1984, when his father Rajiv Gandhi was prime minister, and Gujarat’s anti-Muslim riots in 2002 where Narendra Modi, the BJP’s abrasive prime ministerial candidate, was (and still is) chief minister.

His choice of tv station for his first such interview was curious because, instead of going for what might have been a gentler and more amenable and constructive interview on a channel such as NDTV, he chose TimesNow and its abrasive chief editor, Arnab Goswami (above), who is famous for his high-decibel confrontational chat shows. Goswami was quiet and relatively courteous, indeed sometimes almost mockingly obsequiously so, but he was much more interested in trying to trap Gandhi into potential headline gaffes than exploring detailed policies. I suspect that Rahul’s sister Priyanka was in the room for the interview, judging by his body language (he repeatedly glanced off-camera, as if for support, and once indicated to the side when he mentioned her). And it looked (from shots when he arrived and the Husain pictures on the walls) that it was done at Rajiv Gandhi Bhavan, headquarters of the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation where Priyanka has a leading role.

What did emerge was a categorical statement by Gandhi that he wants to end dynastic rule. That logically means that he could be the last in the line of the Nehru Gandhi dynasty that overall has not served India well through successive generations – as I suggest in my book, IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality, which will be published soon.

Rahul - corruptionGandhi scarcely mentioned his mother Sonia, Congress’s president, and much of his condemnation of undemocratic political controls and tolerating corruption was an implicit criticism of what she has done and stood for during 16 years at the head of the party.

He also curiously said “I report to the Prime Minister” (when asked about tacking inflation), which he does not – structurally as vice president of Congress he reports to his mother and, in reality, Manmohan Singh reports to him.

On corruption, he claimed that “the Congress party, wherever we have had issues of corruption, we have taken action”. That was not true because corruption by ministers and officials was condoned for years till a popular outcry built up two or three years ago. He dodged this issue by talking about Right to Information legislation which was brought in by the government and certainly has had a major effect on the exposure of corruption.

On this, as on other subjects, his answers failed to address the shortcomings of the coalition run since 2004 by his mother as the political head and Manmohan Singh as prime minister. He would carry more conviction if he had started explaining his aims earlier in the ten years that he has been a member of parliament, and if he had managed to change what the Sonia-Singh administration has done . Instead he has stayed on the sidelines of national politics and is now producing his new approach at the tail end of a failing government, with just two months or so to go before the general election.

His sights are probably on following genera election, but he will have to sharpen up his views and leadership skills if he is to succeed even then. As many would-be reformers – including his father – have found, India and Congress are very resistant to such fundamental changes that challenge the society’s basis of power and patronage.

A video of the interview is on  http://www.timesnow.tv/Frankly-Speaking-with-Rahul-Gandhi—1/videoshow/4446831.cms  and the full text is on http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Rahul-Gandhis-first-interview-Full-text/articleshow/29455665.cms

India’s annual Jaipur Literature Festival, which finished two days ago, is different things to different people. With a total of over 200,000 footfalls and nearly 20,000 people registering for the first time each day, it is an enormous free-wheeling extravaganza of debate, humour and conversation. It has grown from just a few hundred people when it began in 2006 and has inspired the creation of 40 or 50 other smaller festivals around the country and elsewhere.

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Foreign authors say it is one of the best of the international festivals. People from Delhi’s and Mumbai’s social circuit like it because they can parade with, or close to, famous literary and other names and talk about it afterwards. The vast mass of people simply enjoy the discussions and cosmopolitan tamasha in the faded glory of Diggi Palace and its grounds, while thousands of students collect autographs and have themselves photographed with anyone who might be significant.

For me, this year was an opportunity to talk in public for the first time about my new book, IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality, that Harper Collins will be launching soon in Delhi.

Xiaolu Guo, a Chinese novelist and filmmaker, produced perhaps the best illustration of the festival’s image when she said, during a debate on Who Rules the World, that China could learn from the way that “everyone here is equal, everyone has the right to listen and to get information”. If China did that, she said, it would be a better country.

Pinpointing how the festival differs from many others around the world, she commented that “not everyone here is elite – you are normal people!”. The unanimous view of course was that it would be a bad idea if China even tried to rule the world, but Guo’s remark underlined what an open and free (you only pay for food) event this lit fest has become.

Among the other sessions I attended was a strong debate over the real story of Jesus – or the quite different ANWilson with Reza Aslan and Willie Dalrymplestories of Jesus the Jewish evangelist and Jesus the Christ, as asserted by Reza Aslan, the Iranian author of a new book,  Zealot – The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth.  A.N.Wilson (right in the picture),  a British writer and author of Jesus, disagreed about the validity of such distinctions and said that the history of Jesus was “educated speculation”.

In a stimulating session, two moderately indiscreet former diplomats – Hussain Haqqani, once Pakistan’s ambassador to the US, and Robert Blackwill, who was US ambassador to India – more or less agreed that both the US and Pakistan had mucked up their relationship over the years.

I missed Adrian Levy, a British journalist, explaining how he and Cathy Scott-Clark did some incredibly detailed reporting on the 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai’s Taj Hotel and other targets and produced the recently published book, The Siege. But I shall watch that on the festival’s on-line videos.

Aditi Malhotra, The Wall Street JournalIn a gentler session on the final day, when heavy rain drove many events indoors, Richard Holmes, a British author and biographer, read from Coleridge’s Ancient Mariner. He said that students still regard the poem relevant today, partly because they see the mariner’s killing of the albatross as symbolic of “man damaging nature” and the destruction of the environment.

In my first panel discussion, India at the Crossroads, I explained how my book tracks the decline and crumbling of institutions, with corruption and bad governance eating into the way the country is run. On a later panel titled Is there an Indian Way of Thinking, I talked about my main theme in the book – that India’s acceptance of jugaad (fix it) and chalta hai (it will all be ok) encourages the dysfunctional side of a society and economy.

K.S.Radhakrishnan at the launch of his book 'Sculptures'

K.S.Radhakrishnan at the launch of his book ‘Sculptures’

There was much else – nearly 200 sessions in total over five days with musical evenings, book launches and a splendid book shop run by Full Circle of Delhi (it sold 35 copies of IMPLOSION) that had to close on the final day because of the heavy rain.

Jaya Bhattacharji Rose, a literary consultant, has tracked the growth of literary festivals since the Jaipur lit fest started in an article here.  I’ve looked up some of my earlier posts on the festival – I’ve only missed one.  In January 2010, just  15,000 people arrived in the first three days, which meant a total of not much more than 20,000 – double 2009 when there were only 10,000.  That was dramatic growth, which has now fortunately slowed – this week’s total of over 200,000 is enough for any festival. But do come next year – there will be plenty of space to squeeze in a few more people!

As he approaches the end of his ten years’ as India’s prime minister, Manmohan Singh says he believes that “history will be kinder” to him than the contemporary media and political opposition. That was a recurrent theme at a large press conference lasting about 100 minutes that he gave in Delhi today. It was only his third in ten years (and second since 2004), apart from exchanges with selected journalists on flights abroad.

He has revealed little in the past, so not much was expected this time (picture below). His opening statement attempted to record his government’s performance in a good light. Most of his answers to journalists’  questions were bland, and many were evasive. He did announce that he would not be a prime ministerial candidate in the coming general election. That was expected and it turns the focus onto a Congress Party meeting in two weeks’ time when, it is rumoured, Rahul Gandhi might announced for the role.

MMS pc Jan 3 '14Manmohan Singh’s headline catcher was a blunt personal attack on Narendra Modi, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s prime ministerial candidate, who he said would be “disastrous for the country”. A man who had presided “over a mass massacre of innocent citizens on the streets of Ahmedabad” had not displayed “the sort of strength this country needs, least of all, in its Prime Minister”.

That was a reference to the Godhra riots in Gujarat in 2002, where more than 2,000 are believed to have been killed with Modi as chief minister. The remark showed that Modi will continue to come under attack for his role then, even though he has been cleared of responsibility by the courts and said last week (without actually apologising) that he was “shaken to the core” by the violence with feelings of “grief, sadness, misery, pain, anguish, agony.”

The most telling theme of the press conference was the way that the prime minister shirked responsibility for corruption scandals, notably in the telecommunications and coal industries, that have dogged his administration with him being implicated for at least condoning what has happened.

First, he tried to dodge questions by saying the scandals had started in the 2004-09 United Progressive Alliance government and that people had re-elected him and the coalition in 2009,  so did “not seem to have paid heed to all these charges of corruption which are levied against me or my party”. That missed the point that the scandals had not fully surfaced in 2009, and that Singh’s role had not fully developed and emerged – firstly with him allowing an implicated telecoms minister to be reappointed (because his Tamil Nadu-based party was needed in the new coalition), and second with him being in charge of the coal ministry during some of that industry’s scandals.

So Manmohan Singh’s reliance on so-far unwritten history to say that he had done as well as he could was significant. Will it excuse him his failings because he had to cope with both a fractious coalition that blocked some of his policies, and with Sonia Gandhi as his political boss who ruled the roost? He talked today, as he has in the past, about “coalition compulsions” and hoped that history would say he had done the best he could in the “coalition circumstances”

Or will it say he lowered the status of the prime minister’s post by condoning corruption and ceding authority, which was constitutionally his, to Gandhi and her son Rahul when he ought to have stood up to them or resigned?

Arvind Kejriwal - Mint photoMaybe, rather vengefully, he hopes that history blames the Gandhi’s for wielding power over the government without being responsible constitutionally, or in parliament, for what was done. That would be a just verdict but, even then, Singh will surely be blamed for being weak and allowing it to happen.

That however is all to do with the past, and another far more significant event to do with the future also happened in Delhi today when Arvind Kejriwal (above) began work in the city’s newly elected assembly as chief minister, following the devastating success of his anti-corruption Aam Aadmi Party in recent assembly elections.

The implication of Singh’s  remarks is that coalition governments have to be corrupt in order to keep corrupt coalition partners happy. Kejriwal is setting out to prove otherwise, with Congress supporting his minority government!

While 81-year old Singh is looking to historians to produce their verdict on him, 45-year old Kejriwal is beginning a new young era in Indian politics with massive support because of the failings of the Gandhi-Singh government and the lack of hope that the BJP would be much better.

Posted by: John Elliott | December 24, 2013

Merry Christmas!

Merry Christmas! IMG_8507

India’s slumbering modern art market came alive last night at Christie’s first auction in the country when astonishing prices were achieved totalling $15.45m (Rs96.5 crore), roughly doubling estimates. Collectors say that this was the result of extensive marketing by a big Chrisite’s team and the excitement of a live auction, though some of the top bids came by telephone from overseas.

There was also what the experts call a strong provenance – just over half the 83 lots were collected by the late Kekoo Gandhy who championed young, later famous, artists like M.F.Husain, Vasudeo S.Gaitonde and Ram Kumar in the 1940s and 1950s and then ran Mumbai’s Chemould art gallery.

Lot 1 GaitondeOne of Gandhy’s Gaitonde works set the auction – held in Mumbai’s Taj Hotel – off to a spectacular start as the first lot. An untitled early landscape (left) of just 9in by 11in, it beat the estimated price range of Rs8 lakhs to 1.2 crore ($13,000-19,400) by around ten times and went for Rs80 lakhs – that’s Rs9.83 crores ($157,200) including buyer’s premium. It was a gouache with pen and ink on card, and had Chemould Frames label on the reverse side.

Another Gaitonde – a large oil on canvas abstract (below) from a different owner – produced the highest auction sale price of Rs20.5 crore (approx $3.3m), or Rs23.7 crore ($3.79) including the premium, roughly tripling the lowest estimate. This was a telephone bid from the US and it was the highest price ever paid in India for a modern work of art. It was a world auction record for the artist.

In the past decade, India’s leading modern artists of the same vintage such Husain, Mehta, F.N.Souza and S.H.Raza have all had their day topping Indian art prices. Now Gaitonde, who died in 2001 aged 77, is reaching the same price levels for his works that are mostly abstracts. The Guggenheim Museum in New York has a Gaitonde retrospective next year and that will no doubt persuade more collectors to bring more of his works to the market, sustaining high prices.

Lot 63 Gaitonde auction shot

The second highest bid of Rs17 crore ($2.8m) or Rs19.78 crore ($3.17m) came for a Tyeb Mehta acrylic on canvas (below) in his dramatic Mahisasura series. These Tyeb works are always strong sellers, and this one depicted the Devi in her most potent form as a lion locked in a struggle with Mahisasura, the mythical Hindu demon-king who was half human-half buffalo.

This was the first time that two Indian works had been sold at above $3m in the same auction. Other leading artists with works in the auction included Husain, Ram Kumar, Raza, Rabindranath Tagore, Amrita Sher-Gil, Jamini Roy, and Nandalal Bose.

Hugo Weihe, the auctioneer and Christie’s international director of Asian Art, said that this showed that the market “has matured” and that good prices could be obtained for top quality works, with collectors distinguishing the best works from lesser ones. This has been his usual line during the past five years when the Indian art market has been hit by the international economic slowdown, but he said to me this morning that last night’s results prove that new high prices are paid for best works – which they were.

Christies arranged for 30 or so international collectors to be in Mumbai for the sale but Weihe says new buyers are also appearing – about 100 people registered for the first time for the auction. There were also buyers making bids on the internet on Christie’s website as well as by telephone.

Lot 64 Tyeb Mehta- MahishasuraThe emergence of new buyers is in line with the experience of the Delhi Art Gallery (DAG) which, having recently opened a new outlet in the old Fort business district of Mumbai, is finding that younger generations of old business families are beginning to buy.

Significantly, they are going for the established ‘moderns’ like those featured in this auction rather than risking their money on Indian‘s contemporary artists who are still fairing badly after a serious slump in prices.

The DAG is unusual in that it has large collections of modern art and stages big exhibitions that are well backed up with art books and literature. “It is a one stop shop for buying modern art,” says Amrita Jhaveri, a collector who opened Christie’s representative office in Mumbai 20 years ago and herself had a successful sale of part of her Indian collection totalling $6.7m with Sotheby’s in New York last march

Together the DAG and Christie’s have given the Indian art market a significant boost at a time when many smaller galleries have been down-sizing or closing in both Mumbai and Delhi.

Along with Saffronart, India’s leading internet-based art auctioneer, they have shown the results that can be achieved if a significant effort is put into involving potential buyers and searching for the best works – Christie’s had 50 staff working in India on the auction. Galleries and auction houses with less energy and cachet are finding times hard and are rarely willing to cut prices sufficiently for lesser works. “If people don’t make the effort, they can’t complain that the market is flat,” says Kishore Singh of the DAG.

Dinesh Vazirani of Saffronart says he believes the auction showed a “resurgence of enthusiasm” in the market which was needed to boost sales

Collectors were also wondering today whether it is easier for an international auctioneer such as Christie’s to sell in Mumbai than in Delhi because there are more people and business houses there prepared to pay with “white” money, as opposed to the black money sloshing around in Delhi.

Whether that is correct or not, what is sure is that Christie’s yesterday showed that the cachet of an international auctioneer, plus extensive marketing for top quality works brings in top prices.

It’s almost general election time in India and the two main political parties are on the move to prove their credibility. In the past 24 hours, India has uprooted cordial diplomatic relations with the US that have been carefully nurtured for the past decade or more. It has also passed the Lok Pal Bill creating an anti-corruption ombudsman that has been pending in various forms for 45 years.

It is no coincidence that these events come ten days after the new Aam Aadmi anti-corruption political party (AAP) dominated the results of assembly elections in Delhi – so both the government and main Bharatiya Janata Party opposition now need to prove their worth in order to stop AAP becoming successful nationally. Nor is the sudden emergence of Rahul Gandhi surprising as an energised parliamentary performer (in today’s Lok Pal parliamentary debate), just there are rumours that he might be named next month as the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate for the general election due in April-May. He needs to act fast to save his and his mother’s party from a humiliating defeat.

Devyani KhobragadeIt is also probably not a coincidence that the dramatic (some say excessively aggressive) diplomatic battle that India has waged this week against the US – suddenly cancelling various diplomatic privileges and removing security barricades that blocked a road adjacent to the embassy in Delhi – came on the first anniversary of a horrific rape of a young medical student that shocked opinion internationally.

Since that rape, there has been a major change in the way that offences against women are regarded, especially the way they are covered in the media. So it is scarcely surprising that Indian politicians backed the outrage felt by Foreign Ministry officials when US authorities last Thursday arrested Devyani Khobragade (above), India’s 39-year old vice-consul in New York, just as she was dropping her daughter at school. She was allegedly handcuffed and later strip-searched, underwent DNA swabbing, and held in a cell with others accused of crimes including drugs till she was released on $250,000 bail.

Relationship lacks supporters

There is a bigger issue here that concerns India’s current relationship with the US which, though enormously better than it was ten to 15 years ago, is floundering because of a lack of care in both countries and a weak Indian embassy in the US. The relationship has few if any committed supporters in the current Obama administration, and there are many officials and commentators in India who would like to take a more aggressive stance, which this case has provided. [Dec 19: John Kerry, US Secretary of State, phoned a senior Indian official on Wednesday evening and expressed his “regret” for the way the arrest had been conducted, but said the law should take its course.]

The US alleges that Khobragade is guilty of visa fraud over an India maid who used to work in her home and who had not been paid the statutory minimum wage. Kanwal Sibal, a former foreign secretary, has said that it is not unusual for foreign maids in the US to be paid less than the official minimum and that the American authorities accept the “contradiction between reality and the letter of the law”.

There are complications in this case that have yet to unravel including suggestions the maid and her family wanted to become US residents. India has accused the US authorities of fraudulently allowing the maid’s husband and children to enter the America last week two days before Khobragade was arrested, even though the maid had been reported missing by Khobragade some months earlier.

US Attorney Preet Bharara in New York has said the family were given visas and taken to the US because the Justice Department is “compelled to make sure that victims, witnesses and their families are safe and secure while cases are pending”. Bharara, a high profile India-born attorney famous for bringing sexual assault charges against IMF chief Dominique Strauss Kahn two years ago and other major cases against Wall Streert banks,  suggested that the family were being harrasssed in India and therefore needed to be evacuated. Salman Khurshid, the foreign minister, has described what happened as either a “conspiracy” or “irrational behaviour”.

More significant is India’s reaction to the humiliation that the woman diplomat received. There have been earlier controversial security  checks and harassment of senior Indian officials in the US which Ronen Sen, a former ambassador in Washington, said on television this evening does not happen in other countries. This has united India’s foreign service officials, led by Sujatha Singh, India’s new foreign secretary, in demanding the strongest possible condemnation of the US. She was in Washington for talks the day before the arrest and was apparently not consulted.

anna_speaking360x270The BJP is accusing the government – with some justification – of running a weak foreign policy over the past ten years, which has enabled the US to dominate the bilateral relationship. This raises a wider issue of India not asserting itself either in world affairs or with aggressive neighbours China and Pakistan, which a BJP government might well change.

It is therefore important for the government to try to build some credibility and the Khobragade case has given it an opportunity on the emotive issue of relationships with the US, while the Lok pal Bill will, Rahul Gandhi clearly hopes, help to smother memories of the massive corruption that has run through the Congress-led coalition government.

The Aam Aadmi’s party’s rise spurred Gandhi and the government to revive the Bill, which creates a new corruption ombudsman. The main parties have resisted the Bill for decades, and the government only agreed to produce legislation two years ago under intense pressure from Anna Hazare (above), a social rights activist, and from Arvind Kejriwal who has now broken away from Hazare to form and lead the AAP. Hazare seems to be a supporter of the BJP, which has amazingly co-operated the past two days with Congress to pass the legislation through both houses of parliament.

Rahul Gandhi is now setting himself up as the politician who ensured that the Bill was passed. In parliament, he called for six other anti-corruption bills covering subjects such as public procurement, foreign bribery, judicial standards, and whistle-blowers to be passed before the general election. That is inevitably leading to him being accused of trying to capture the limelight and credit – which of course he is – when it is Hazare and others who deserve to be praised.

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