Posted by: John Elliott | March 19, 2013

Indian engineering excellence produces a new Reva electric car

On my first visit to India in 1982, an engineering enthusiast and perfectionist called Sudarshan Maini held up a small precision-tuned automotive component. “This is what we can produce in India,” he proudly told me.

It had been made by Maini Precision Products, a company he had set up nine years earlier in Bangalore to prove he could turn out international quality engineering components to tiny tolerances and attract export customers with levels of precision that were all but unknown in the country. By 1982, customers included Bosch and General Motors.

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That enthusiasm and drive for engineering perfection led yesterday to the launch at Delhi’s India Gate (right) of the latest model of the Reva plastic-bodied electric city car (photo below), which Sudarshan’s youngest son, Chetan (below with the car), has spent 15 years pioneering.

The good-looking e20 four-seater is now produced by the Mahindra autos-based group. It replaces a more basic Reva and breaks new ground with all-electric power and zero emissions and solar power battery-charging ports. New technologies give drivers access to their car from a smart phone app to control air conditioning and locking controls, and to trigger a remote emergency battery charge system.

This is a story of frugal engineering innovation, in which the Mainis specialise, coupled with the commercial and design capabilities of Mahindra. Chetan Maini’s interest in electric cars began with model vehicles when he was a child. While studying at the University of Michigan in the US, he worked in 1990 on the General Motors’ award winning Sunracer solar powered racing car.

In 1994, he co-founded the Reva Electric Car Company in Bangalore, to produce what became India’s first electric car. Initially developed by Chetan in America, some components were sent out by his family from India to cut costs. Assembly started in 2001, with five people producing the first seven vehicles. To avoid having to build an assembly track for the small quantities, the car body’s tubular metal frame was put on wheels and pushed down the production line.

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Eventually, the Reva (named after Chetan’s mother) needed more funds than the family were prepared to risk, and in 2010 the Mahindra group bought a 56% stake in a new company, Mahindra Reva Electric Vehicles, putting in a total investment of Rs100 crore ($18m). The Maini family holds a 24.6% stake.

The e20 is being produced at a new factory in Bangalore that is 35% powered by solar energy and can produce 30,000 cars a year – small by auto industry standards but substantial for electric vehicles. The immediate sales target is 400-500 vehicles a month, 150 to 200 of them in Delhi which Mahindra expects to be the biggest market. The batteries have a 100km driving range and take five hours to re-charge from any 15A power socket.

The dream is that the e20 could become the first electric car in the world to make a profit. Priced at Rs.5.96 lakhs (about $11,000) after environment-friendly subsidies available in Delhi, it is not cheap. The figure would be lower if the central government introduced national subsidies that were expected but failed to appear in last month’s Budget. Exports to Europe are planned in six to nine months (some original Revas can be seen on the streets of London), and Mahindra is also planning battery-power two-wheelers.

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It seems sad for the Maini family, which had put so much effort and money into the project for 15 years, to have to lose control. “We had mixed emotions about letting go,” says Sandeep Maini, Chetan’s elder brother and now chairman of the Maini group, whose diversifications include higher levels of precision engineering for defence and aviation companies like BAE and Boeing.

“We didn’t have deep pockets – we were technical creators and we also needed competence to develop markets and car manufacturing processes,” he adds.

Mahindra met those requirements. Anand Mahindra, chairman of the family-controlled group, is committed to using frugal engineering to drive innovation. Having talked to various other companies, the Mainis felt that he had the most commitment to electric vehicles and appreciation of what Chetan, who is still involved as Mahindra Reva’s chief of technology and strategy, had been trying to achieve. “This is not just about selling a car, it is about telling people to change their lifestyle,” Mahindra said yesterday “We are working at creating an ecosystem that includes mobility solutions along with other environment-friendly innovations”.

The story shows what India can do. Three government ministers inevitably flocked around the launch at India Gate, seeking instant photo-opportunities and publicity, but they are not relevant to what has been achieved here with the original Reva (above), and the e20, by one young engineer, his supportive family, and now a bigger innovation-oriented family group.

The story of the development of the Reva has been told by Sudarshan Maini in a book published in 2013 by Random Business India – https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/28668191-reva-ev

Posted by: John Elliott | March 13, 2013

Would Rahul Gandhi like to close his family dynasty?

Is Rahul Gandhi preparing not just to renounce the Indian prime minister’s job, as his mother Sonia did in 2004, but also to organise events so that the chances of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty continuing far into the future are greatly reduced?

It is beginning to look as if that might be what he ideally wants, with democratically elected grassroots members of his family’s Congress Party rising up through the ranks. If that is so, then his critics (including this blog) need maybe to stop regarding him as an indecisive, work-shy, reluctant politician, and consider whether he could eventually turn out to be a significant political reformer.

The peg for these thoughts is remarks he made to reporters and Congress MPs in the Central Hall of the Indian Parliament on March 5, when he indicated that he neither wants to be prime minister nor to marry and produce dynastic heirs.

“Asking whether you want to be prime minister is to ask me a wrong question,” he was reported to have said. “Today, I see how MPs feel without power and it is the same story in all the parties, be it the Congress or the BJP. I want to empower the 720-odd MPs in Parliament. I want to give voice to the middle tier, empower the middle-level leaders. There are some parties in India which are run by one leader, two leaders, five to six leaders and 15 to 20 leaders. My priority is that I want to empower the MPs as also the 5,000-odd legislators in various states,” he said.

Jawaharlal Nehru and the Gandhis – his daughter Indira, her son Rajiv and his wife Sonia, and their son and daughter Rahul and Priyanka

Jawaharlal Nehru and the Gandhis – his daughter Indira, her son Rajiv and his wife Sonia, and their son and daughter Rahul and Priyanka

There are varying versions of exactly what he said about marriage. The Indian Express  reported: “I feel we should all be detached from power. Only then we can contribute to the society better. You people ask me about my marriage plans. Sometimes, I think, if I marry and have children, I would want my children to take my position. Sometimes, I feel that status quo is better.” The Times of India and others quoted “If I get married and have children, then I will become a status-quoist and will be concerned about bequeathing my position to my children”.

The Express also reported that he regretted political parties were designed in a manner that prevented youth from acquiring key positions at a time when they were seeking a greater say in political affairs. “At one point, the pressure from the youth will be such that there will be an explosion,” he said.

Either way, Rahul Gandhi, who will be 43 in June, indicated that he is shying away from marriage. As I mentioned on this blog in January, the only girl friend publicly known about was a Colombian (or Spanish as he once reportedly said), but that was ten years ago and she is rumoured to have married someone else in Colombia.

The High Command

Coupled with Rahul’s frequently repeated criticism of the Congress Party’s “high command” culture (with Sonia currently in command), the logic of the remarks is that new people would rise up through the Congress Party. But it is not clear whether Rahul is envisaging them being ready to take over the top job in 20 years or so when he might retire, leaving nothing for the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to do after dominating Indian politics since independence.

In his remarks, he only seems to have talked about giving power to MPs and “voice to the middle tier, empower the middle-level leaders”. That echoed his emotional speech when he was anointed the Congress vice-president in January and promised to work for the development of the party. Does it mean however that he envisages a dynastic glass ceiling above that middle-level?

Life, especially in politics, is of course not simple and no-one can predict that far ahead. Would Rahul ever be prepared to step aside? Despite a friendly and approachable manner, he can be dynastically haughty, and seems to enjoy the trappings of power and the exclusive privacy it provides. Just five days before his recent remarks, he was criticised when his cavalcade clogged Mumbai city traffic, with no apparent apology.

Family views

Even more importantly, what line would the family take? There is his personable and politically appealing sister Priyanka who has always been seen as an able fallback should Rahul step aside. Then there is Sonia Gandhi, who is 66 and has undergone treatment for what is believed to be cancer. She has said that she entered politics seven years after her husband was assassinated in 1991 in order to save the Congress Party from collapse, but she also saw herself as a dynastic bridge between her late husband and their son. Would she approve if Rahul aimed to secure the future of the party but not the dynasty?

Certainly, with its current national and regional leaders, the party needs the dynasty in order to hold together. Shekhar Gupta, editor of The Indian Express, summed up the situation well in a column two weeks ago when he wrote that, while the Gandhis were no longer vote winners for the party, they were essential for its discipline. When he asked a senior long-term Congress leader why the Gandhi family was still so important and had total sway over the party, the reply was: “They cannot help anybody win elections, but they keep the party together. Their word is law and the party needs that discipline”.

Rahul’s remarks have sharpened speculation about who would be prime minister if Congress won a leading coalition role after next year’s general election – with Palaniappan Chidambaram, curently the finance minister, being a current favourite, since he is by far the most experienced and competent minister in the government.

But that may prove to be academic because there seems little likelihood of Congress winning a leading role. This would bring the focus back to Rahul as the party leader, and the huge task he would have in transforming an organisation that is hamstrung not just by the Gandhi dynasty but by many others in the states – often appointed and encouraged by the Gandhis to hold top posts. He has already been facing opposition from established regional leaders who resent newcomers.

If Rahul means what he says, then he has a huge task, not just to halt his own dynasty but to change the way that the patronage and privilege-based Congress Party operates. Let’s see if he means it!

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David Cameron, Britain’s prime minister, has ended his rather over-done public relations blitz in India with a sombre and respectful visit to the Jallianwala Bagh site of the 1919 Amritsar massacre, one of the worst atrocities of British rule, which he described as a “deeply shameful event in British history”  (see below*). He was the first British prime minister to go there, and he also visited the nearby Golden Temple (left), the Sikh faith’s most sacred shrine, with an eye (as UK correspondents accompanying him noted) on the sizeable Sikh vote in the UK.

Always just a bit too keen and eager, Cameron swept into Mumbai on Monday morning with the news that he wanted to build “a very special partnership” with India, and repeated that yesterday at a joint press conference with his host, prime minister Manmohan Singh.

He sounded rather like a senior prefect anxious to please the headmaster with an array of proposed achievements – instant visas for Indian businessmen, open doors for Indian students, and jointly developing a new-city corridor between Mumbai and Bangalore. He then sounded like an erring once-bullying husband anxious to rebuild family bonds when he said at the press conference that the “future of our two countries should be inextricably linked”.

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The two countries aren’t of course inextricably linked, despite the colonial past, and Cameron won’t get very far pitching such lines at a government level.

Manmohan Singh was more interested at the press conference in pressing him for help investigating corruption allegations on a helicopter contract, while Ministry of External Affairs officials wanted him to stop ignoring India when he hosts Afghanistan-Pakistan talks, as he has been doing recently.

Cameron quickly promised co-operation on alleged corruption in an Italian owned (with UK involvement) Augusta Westland helicopter contract, and agreed a mechanism to keep India in the loop on his Af-Pak talks that are aimed, Indian sceptics believe, at unwisely courting the Taliban so as to try to stem Pakistani-born UK residents turning to terrorism.

The pitch goes down better with individual Indian businessmen and others, though there is still scepticism with people recognising that the main aim is to build on the strong role has in the UK with 1.5m Indian-born people living there and the Tata group being the UK’s biggest private sector employer.

Cameron made an impressive speech last night to an audience of a couple of thousand in the British High Commissioner’s home and garden in Delhi. Indian guests’ reactions ranged from “he was reminiscent of Bill Clinton” from a young lady academic economist, to “yes of course he’s over-egging it – he’s a pr man” from a more sceptical economics academic, and “he’s doing his job, he wants to create jobs in the UK so needs investment”, from a very seasoned journalist.

David Cameron with Bollywood star Aamir Khan and Delhi students

David Cameron with Bollywood star Aamir Khan and Delhi students

India is not going to build the “great relationship” (as Cameron rephrased it once or twice) with the UK and it is idle for him, in his eagerness to please, to over-pitch what can be achieved now that the role of world-wide colonial power and distance colony have been reversed into an offshore European island and rising one-day-to-be super power. Cameron is just one of the continuous flow of heads of foreign governments to India.

Francois Hollande of France was here on a much lower profile but effective visit until hours before Cameron flew in. Just before him came the king and the prime minister of Bhutan, a long-term friend and neighbour and more crucial to India’s interests than the UK or France. In the weeks before, there were presidents from two small but significant countries Mauritius (official India investment tax haven), Nepal (like Bhutan, a buffer state with China), and Vladimir Putin from Russia (India’s longest international partner).

Picture with article in The Economist, February 16, 13

Picture with article in The Economist, February 16, 13

So while there are many ways in which Britain and India can and will co-operate as old and future partners, it is silly to dress it up as something special, as Cameron also did in July 2010 when he arrived with a unprecedented posse of six cabinet ministers. This time he brought more than 100 businessmen which, he says, is the largest ever taken abroad by a UK prime minister.

India needs practical constructive partnership in developing the country and protecting its security, and it respects friends it can trust. Cameron’s best new offer was making visas available for Indian businessmen within 24 hours, instead of five days or longer as happens now, though that will be restricted to applications in Mumbai and Delhi. He also made news about students being welcome in the UK, though had nothing new to offer on that, despite many stories of students not managing to obtain visas.

Among other initiatives (listed in a joint statement). he talked about helping India develop new cities along a 1,000 km corridor between Mumbai and Bangalore, though the UK will not be offering the sort of multi-billion dollar aid provided by Japan for a Delhi-Mumbai corridor. It is primarily interested in obtaining contracts for British consultants, some of whom are already working on the Delhi-Mumbai project.

After all that, the best way for Cameron to get a partnership moving would be to generate interest about India in the UK, which is currently lacking.  A British Council study last year found that, despite a shared history of 200 years, “Neither country has invested actively in building a contemporary relationship. India does not know contemporary Britain and Britain has little idea of how the new India is emerging. Stereotypes exist and remain damaging.” Officials also say that most British small and medium sized businessmen find India too daunting to try to access because of its size, unstable policy environment and corruption. That is where Cameron could best focus when he gets back to London.

* photo of David Cameron’s note in the Jallianwala Bagh visitors’ book by Andy Buncombe, The Independent

There was an incredibility and inevitability about the announcement last night (Saturday) that Rahul Gandhi has been appointed vice president of India’s Congress Party, confirming his position as number two and heir apparent to Sonia Gandhi, the dynastic leader of the party and of the country’s United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governing coalition. It also made him an heir apparent to Manmohan Singh, the prime minister.

It was inevitable because Rahul Gandhi has been seen for years as having the right to rule India in his genes.

But it was also incredible because, aged 42, he has shown little ability or interest in fulfilling that destiny, yet last night was accepted without question by grown and able Congress ministers and other party leaders.

Manmohan Singh congratulating Rahul Gandhi yesterday
Manmohan Singh congratulating Rahul Gandhi yesterday

Arguably, some of those leaders would make a better job of being vice-president, but they and others see a Gandhi – and Rahul is the one to hand – as the best bet to hold the party together and provide the sort of iconic image needed for it to win at the polls and keep them in their posts of power and patronage

People danced in the streets outside the party headquarters and Sonia Gandhi’s Delhi home, hailing him as their leader and future prime minister as though salvation and election victory had just been announced, not merely the long delayed elevation of an apparently reluctant candidate.

The next general election, due by April next year, will be tough for Congress, which has performed poorly since it was elected for a second term in 2009 – as it will be for the Bharatiya Janata Party that might be led by Narendra Modi, who has the support of leading businessmen. The election is expected to lead to a hung parliament and another coalition government.

The announcement came at a party conclave in the Rajasthan city of Jaipur, which next weekend will host a large annual international literature festival that will air far more genuine and original debate and fervour than Congress’s party managers have allowed.

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Rahul’s elevation was proposed by A.K.Antony, who seems to put more energy into being a dynastic loyalist than he does as minister for defence into equipping the country’s depleted armed forces. It was immediately greeted with acclaim.

Today Rahul made an acceptance speech to the conclave that was strong on emotion and on what is wrong with the corrupt and power hungry in India. It reflected  a famous speech made by his late father, Rajiv Gandhi, as prime minister in 1985, attacking Congress power brokers who he said handicapped ordinary party workers. Rajiv Gandhi failed to change the system and his son today offered nothing positive, apart from a pledge that he would work for the party and country.

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That generated a rousing standing ovation from the audience and tears from some leaders, but Rahul has taken so long to accept this heir-apparent appointment, and has performed with such lacklustre since being made one of the party’s several general secretaries in 2007, that he seriously lacks credibility.

This was demonstrated by newspaper headlines this morning that said he would need to prove himself to the party in the general election. “Cong named Rahul No. 2, stops short of giving him poll leadership” said the Indian Express, while The Economic Times noted that “To get the party, he needs a victory”, adding that “his star has dimmed”..

As general secretary in charge of the Youth Congress, he has reorganized structures and local party elections, and has contributed to other organisational matters. But he has shown absolutely no grip or interest in policy. His problem is not just that he did disastrously in Uttar Pradesh state assembly elections last year.

More importantly, he has shown no continuity of purpose, often vanishing without trace from the public scene, and showing no follow-up interest when he visits poor areas. He rarely speaks out on major issues and crises, such as country-wide mass protests about corruption last year and recently on gang rape and the treatment of women. He makes adequate election-style speeches to crowds of thousands, – as he did today to the Congress meeting – but rarely engages in public debate or gives media interviews. That matches his mother’s reclusive approach, but he has seemed far more detached than her.

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His private life is a mystery. Everyone of course has a right to privacy, but that reduces the more public a person becomes, and Rahul is possibly India’s next prime minister.

So little is known that Delhi buzzes with gossip about where he regularly vanishes – is it abroad as is often rumoured (Dubai, Bangkok, London?), or just to houses of friends in elegant roads near his central Delhi home?

Does he have a girl friend? The only one every seen publicly (above) was Colombian, or Spanish as he reportedly said in 2004, but she is rumoured to have married in Colombia. More recently, there has been talk of an Afghan girl friend.

Such questions and gossip would fade if, over the past eight years that he has been an MP, he had begun to become more accessible and play a visible active political and policy role.

None of this means that Rahul should not be prime minister, nor that the Gandhis should not be in politics if they prove themselves and leave room for others to emerge.

But whereas his mother has been a unifying force for the Congress party, Rahul has done virtually nothing to gain the title he received yesterday, and instead is blocking other young and able politicians’ careers.  He now has a year or so (less if the general election comes early) to prove himself and fulfil promises of personal commitment he made in his speech today.

Posted by: John Elliott | January 17, 2013

Businessmen boost Narendra Modi’s prime ministerial ambitions

Vib Guj NM closing 19_dsc_2643_595INDIA’S business leaders are joining ranks behind Narendra Modi, the controversial and egocentric chief minister of Gujarat and a leading light of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in advance of India’s next general election.

Their support was evident as the chairmen of some of the country’s biggest companies, led by Ratan Tata of the giant Tata group, lined up as speakers at the opening and closing sessions of last weekend’s “Vibrant Gujarat” event. Though none of the businessmen openly backed Mr Modi’s political ambitions (the only speaker who did was a regional politician from Russia), the implication was clear……………For my full article “Narendra Modi – Feeling vibrant” go to The Economist’s Banyan Asia blog, click here econ.st/WKbEK8

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IN ADDITION……….Other states, including West Bengal this week, have followed Gujarat’s example since it’s first Vibrant conference in 2008, but none has had anything anywhere near as large and international, nor with such big names. Declarations of investment intentions past, present and future included Rs34,000 crore ($6bn) from Mr Tata and Rs100,000 crore ($18bn) from Mukesh Ambani.

The government claimed some astronomic – and mostly uncheckable – results at the end of the event: investment intentions for 17,719 projects including 12,886 in small and medium size businesses promising 370,000 jobs; 10.6m people visiting the trade show; 58,000 delegates in 127 seminars at the conference, including 2,100 delegates from 121 countries who struck 2,670 “strategic partnership intentions”.

cover story March 26, 2012 "Modi Means Business but can he lead India"

cover story March 26, 2012 “Modi Means Business but can he lead India”

There are arguments about how far Gujarat’s economic growth of around 9%, and social indicators such as reduction in poverty, compare with better states like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, but those and many other states do not have Gujarat’s efficient and largely corruption-free regime.

Since becoming chief minister since 2001, Modi has built on Gujarat’s long record as a leading industrial state, and on its entrepreneurial skills that for decades have produced successes ranging from the Ambanis to big companies in Africa and corner shops in the UK.

He has beaten the rest of India by linking virtually all the state’s 18,000 villages with metalled roads, regular electricity supplies (with industry subsidising small farmers by paying more), and internet connections, and has a big current drive on solar energy and wi-fi broadband networks. There is substantial land available ready for industry, which avoids land acquisition problems and delays of many other states and has also developed highways and ports.

Such a record impresses investors, despite the fact that, as a Time magazine (above) headline put it last March, Modi is India’s “most loved and loathed politician” . Investors are drawn by Gujarat’s continuity and execution of policy while being exasperated with the national government’s unstable reform agenda and poor record of implementing policies, and by many other states mixed record and rampant corruption.

Earlier posts on this blog on Narendra Modi:
Narendra Modi challenges the Gandhis’ Idea of India , Dec 21, 2012
Could Narendra Modi become the leader India needs? Sept 15, 2011
Mumbai votes for Narendra Modi as national leader , Dec 5, 2008
Will the current crisis lead to Narendra Modi as PM? Dec 3, 2008
Has India got a unifying politician like Obama? Nov 3, 2008
A Hindu nationalist win in Gujarat , Dec 27, 2007

Gandhinagar,

Posted by: John Elliott | January 3, 2013

Gang rape reveals the real India, and the glimmers of change

Friends abroad have emailed me in the past few days horrified that India could be such a cruel and unsafe place for women. They have been reacting to international news of the gang rape, and subsequent death, of a 23-year old paramedical student in Delhi, that led on to a flood of other rape reports. Similar international reactions were to be heard from two years ago when there were widespread reports of massive corruption, and mass demonstrations called for the system to be cleaned up.

To many people abroad, these events have come as a revelation that charming, culturally fascinating, apparently friendly and even saintly, though often chaotic, India could instead be a cruel, male-dominated, often selfish and heavily corrupt dishonest society, where the strong bully, assault and exploit the weak – a country that is struggling with the tensions and clashes of rapid economic and social change, but where governments find it hard to keep up and rarely achieve major reforms, and where people habitually tolerate their lot, hoping maybe for a better life next time.

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The good news is that largely peaceful country-wide demonstrations over the past two weeks have frightened the government into action because the appalling rape – in a curtained bus driven round Delhi courtesy of a corrupt police force and inefficient state government. This atrocity released anger and frustration not just over assaults on women but also against the police, politicians and an ineffective legal system.

The government’s fright at what Palaniappan Chidambaram, a top government minister, unkindly described as the “new phenomenon” of “flash mobs” was evident when the police turned water cannon and tear gas on demonstrators in central Delhi just before Christmas. That cleared away violent rabble-rousers, but the demand for justice and change continued peacefully across the country and turned into mourning and candlelight vigils and protests when the 23-year old died of multiple organ failure on December 29. She died  in Singapore where she had been controversially flown by a government that was advised by intelligence agencies of a public backlash if her death were to happen in India after Delhi’s doctors had failed to save her.

This protest movement was genuinely spontaneous, unlike the earlier corruption demonstrations which had campaigning leaders and even more unlike most demonstrations and riots that are usually organised by political parties or other vested interests for short term gains. This time women suddenly found they could come out openly and talk and protest about assaults that they had largely kept quiet about in the past. An astonishing number of women have stories of being seriously harassed and attacked, often on buses.

There was no central single leader, so the government could not negotiate and talk its way out of trouble and into somnolence, as it has usually managed to do with crises for decades. Instead, it resorted to gesture politics, with a flood of sympathetic statements from hitherto silent or contemptuous politicians and the Delhi police chief, plus a security clampdown in the centre of the capital that closed many roads to curb unrest.

The government’s leaders, Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh, even went to the airport around 3.30am last Sunday morning to meet the girl’s body with her family when she was flown in from Singapore. Two other political leaders went to the heavily guarded private cremation – one was Sheila Dikshit, the Delhi chief minister who, with assembly elections due this year, had been playing politics over the issue and was booed when she had visited the protestors.

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Over the past ten days Sonia Gandhi, who rarely appears in public apart from election campaigns, has gradually led from the front (seen here on tv) reflecting the nation’s horror and grief, despite her own apparent poor health. Rahul Gandhi, her 42-year old son and political heir, has failed to make any significant appearance, which has been widely noted, negatively.

The 23-year old’s gang rape on December 16, and other cases involving strangers, are dominating the headlines, but statistics show that victims’ relatives and neighbours are often themselves the rapists, or connive in the crime. Police records show that out of 662 cases reported in Delhi during 2012, 189 involved friends or relatives, while 202 were neighbours. Among the victims, 286 were aged 12 to 18. Incest is widespread – “an uncle rapes a young girl but her father, the man’s brother, lets it happen,” says a friend. The police rarely help.

A 17-year old girl in Punjab committed suicide recently because she was being harassed after it had taken her 14 days to persuade police to accept her gang rape accusation. Another report says a policeman and his nephew raped a young woman who wanted to be recruited into the force.

A friend wrote yesterday on Facebook about how he and a woman lawyer living in west Delhi took an eight-year old girl to the police with her semi-literate frightened dhobi (laundryman) father, who lived nearby The father kept repeating “Iski beti kay saath kuch ladkay nein bura kiya” (some boys have done something bad to my daughter). The police at first were sympathetic, but after a day or two said: “When both her parents are at work, she crosses two roads and the train tracks to move around with boys of another locality. She is a very bad character, and if any boy does anything to her, she totally deserves it”. The girl was only eight!

Patriarchal society

India is a patriarchal society where women are now becoming economically equal with men, showing new independence in their careers and more liberated private lives, especially in urban areas. The social changes and tensions have turned what has for decades been known as eve teasing – men touching women provocatively in locations such as crowded buses – into something more aggressive. In addition, Bollywood films increasingly show women film stars virtually offering themselves on the screen, provocatively glorifying the prospect of instant sex rather than relationships.

In traditional male-dominated rural societies, and in recently urbanised areas of Haryana and Uttar Pradesh close to Delhi, local village community councils called khap panchyats rarely side with rape victims. Women are blamed for being provocative, or the intercourse is dubbed consensual – a line often taken by the police across India. Women can also be subjected to a humiliating “fingers test”, which defence lawyers use to deny rape citing frequent and consensual sexual activity.

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When a spate of rapes happened in Haryana, a khap panchayat (like the picture, left) said the solution was for the young to get married, without any minimum age limit, so that their “sexual desires find safe outlets”.

Often young girls who belong to the Dalit (“untouchable” in the caste system) are raped in a form of lower caste oppression – prompting a local Congress politician to allege the rape reports were a “political conspiracy” by the state’s dalit-based party. In October, Sonia Gandhi visited a family in the area whose 16-year old daughter was gang raped and committed suicide. Mrs Gandhi promised action, but nothing has changed and rapes in the area have continued.

Rape of course is prevalent across the world. In Britain, according to a government action plan on violence against women and girls, 80,000 women are raped a year. That puts India’s 24,000 reported rape cases in 2011 in some sort of perspective, though the basis for statistics varies in different countries and India’s real total is almost certainly enormously higher because the fear of police and social harassment and indifference means many incidents go unreported. The real worry in India is that it reflects long standing social patriarchal attitudes and caste hierarchies that not only persist but have been exacerbated by social and economic changes.

There is therefore a huge need for a change of attitudes across society starting, with how families regard and protect their women and how old traditional societies can be weaned away from male domination. That will take a long time.

Meanwhile there is an urgent need to speed up the lengthy judicial system – fast track courts have just been set up for rape cases. The under-trained and under-supported police force needs reforming with a focus on caring for the public instead of pleasing local politicians and VIPs, but that will take a long time to happen, if it ever does. The government has appointed a panel headed by a retired judge to look at the laws, and a task force to advise on the safety of women and on police operations. The FICCI and CII business federations are considering how treatment of women at work can be improved.

New penalties for rape suggested to the government in recent days include execution and chemical castration, though these seem unlikely to be adopted. Five men accused of the 23-year old’s rape and vicious assault with an iron bar have been charged today with murder, rape and kidnapping, and charges against a sixth younger accused will follow.

Life in India will never be quite the same again because the young and newly aspirational middle class have discovered the power of mass street protests. Corruption has not stopped and new rapes are being reported daily, but the power of protest has been established, not by orqanised campaigners but by ordinary people of varied classes who want India to change, and will demonstrate again until it happens.

As someone said in one of the seemingly non-stop television discussion programmes of the past two weeks, “the days when gradualism was acceptable are over” or, to put it another way, the old attitudes of jugaad (quick fix) and chalta hai (don’t worry, it will work ok) can no longer be relied on by the government to avoid social protest and unrest.

Posted by: John Elliott | December 29, 2012

Ratan Tata, India’s sensitive and visionary tycoon, steps down

Ratan Tata’s retirement yesterday, on his 75th birthday, from the chairmanship of Tata Sons, India’s biggest conglomerate, marks the end of an era for Indian business as well as the group. No-one has bestraddled Indian business in the way that he has done, presiding over Tata’s $100bn-plus revenues, more than half from 80 countries overseas, with over 450,000 employees in 100 operating companies and interests ranging from tea to telecoms, software to hotels, wrist watches to defence rockets, and coffee (Starbucks) to power and steel.

There is no other Indian business figure of similar stature, and no one near to being able to take his place as a symbol of managerial ethics and success. Mukesh Ambani who runs Reliance Industries, which vies with Tata for the top slot, does not have the respectability, and his younger brother Anil is not even at the starting grid. Kumar Mangalam Birla has made a substantial success of one branch of the old Birla family group that matched Tata’s commercial importance 30 years ago, but he is ever more shy than the withdrawn Mr Tata.

Ratan Tata and his successor, Cyrus Mistry

Ratan Tata and his successor, Cyrus Mistry

Rahul Bajaj likes to be heard, but has retired from his two-wheeler business and his sons are relatively low profile. Families such as Godrej, Mahindra, Singhania, and Munjal (Hero) are not dominant enough and mostly do not have the charisma, while others like the Jindals and Ruias (Essar) are in a different league. In new technologies, Azim Premji of Wipro could qualify but he has too narrow a base, while Narayan Murthy, one of Infosys’s founders, has retired to mentoring. Deepak Parekh of HDFC and a veteran chair of government committees could have qualified, but he too has largely retired.

This raises the question of what Mr Tata’s leadership has actually symbolised and provided, and what is the gap left by his retirement after 21 years in charge?

The answer can be found in the way that he has led the group itself. He took over in 1991, the year of India’s economic reforms, first uniting the loosely run group under the Tata banner, ousting elderly satraps, and then using opportunities unleashed by the reforms to spend $20bn on foreign take-overs and become India’s first group with $100bn revenues (2011-12). His dream for 2020-21 is $500bn.

He strove for a corruption-free group, and lost influence in Delhi and elsewhere as a result – he has always seemed uncomfortable with the complexities of political and corporate corruption that has grown enormously in India during his time as chairman. “I can say, with my hand to my heart, that we have not in fact partaken in any clandestine activity,” Mr Tata said last year when being questioned about his group’s involvement in a far-reaching telecoms scandal.  “I think there are many honest businessmen. There are many that bend. I am happy that I have not bent”.

But such a massive array of businesses could never fully match the “exemplary” ethics and values that he has said he would like to be his legacy. He unwisely hired and promoted Nira Radia, an influence peddler at the centre of a telecoms-linked political crisis in 2010, as his trusted public and government relations adviser.

His companies’ environmental record has also not always been as good as he would like it to appear, especially in the extractive industries, and his lack of concern was demonstrated by the construction of Dhamra Port in Orissa in 2008.

Watching him as a reporter since I first met him in the mid-1980s, when he was working his way towards becoming Tata Sons chairman, I’ve learned that he feels personal hurt deeply. This has made him ultra-sensitive and unforgiving over what he considers unfair media coverage (see below), and also unforgiving to senior executives who have displeased him. His public relations and statements have not always been as straightforward as they might have been, though it is perhaps because of the pedestal on which he stands that such criticisms are aired. His stature has been matched by his personal reticence. He has never married, but told CNN last year that he had been in love and almost did so four times, each time backing off “in fear or one reason or another”.

His biggest contribution has been to spearhead Indian companies’ foreign investments abroad, starting rather unexcitingly with the purchase of Tetley Tea in the UK in 2000. Much more significant was a take-over of South Korea’s Daewoo truck manufacturer in 2004. This was a trailblazer because it showed that someone in India’s largely unimpressive and uncompetitive manufacturing industry had the ability and nerve to venture abroad. I have always thought that this deal was a turning point in Indian industry’s self-confidence, which then grew rapidly in the mid-late 2000s.

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It led on in 2007 to Tata Motors’ $2.3bn purchase from Ford Motor of Britain’s Jaguar Land Rover business, which has been a huge success.

(I am happy to admit I was wrong in March 2008 when I suggested on this blog that it might be unwise for Tata to have bought into the “history of trouble” at this last remaining lame duck of the UK’s once proud motor industry. That post, which initially ran on Fortune magazine’s website, drew the blog’s biggest ever readership of 49,000 in one day and 75,000 in three days, with critical comments.)

What I and other sceptics had not foreseen was that, by capitalising on design work started but not carried through by Ford, Tata had the energy, finance and managerial strength to produce impressive new models (above) and expand sales internationally, especially in China.

This demonstrated Mr Tata’s capacity to drive through his decisions, as he also did, against advice from senior colleagues, on his far less successful $11bn take-over in 2007 of Europe’s Corus steel business that has left Tata Steel heavily indebted.

He then spearheaded the sadly misguided concept and launch in 2009 of the Nano, the world’s cheapest car, which failed to take off. Aspirational Indian families, who Mr Tata dreamed of upgrading from unsafe over-loaded scooters, did not want to own the world’s cheapest product – it has now been re-launched slightly upmarket and is doing better. The Nano has often been praised as an example of low cost manufacturing, but its price was due to state government subsidies and squeezing component suppliers’ margins in addition to what is now fashionably called frugal engineering.

The story is well told in a Tata-promoted book, Small Wonder – the making of the Nano, which tracks the excitement and brain-storming of the car’s development, with revolutionary early ideas that were abandoned such as having soft shutters instead of doors and assembling it at small workshops around the country. Eventually, the car did not break any significant new ground and made frugal engineering an end in itself, whereas it should be used to develop new ideas at low cost – as has been shown for example by the plastic-bodied Reva electric car developed by the Mainee family of Bangalore and now part of the Mahindra group.

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Tata Motors was the company where Mr Tata had most direct interest and influence and he spent yesterday, his last day at work, at its Pune factory.

But the company’s India operations need an overhaul now that it is no longer controlled by the patriarch, as do the steel and telecommunications businesses plus, according to some reports (left),the Taj hotels. The company that needs least attention is TCS, the group’s information technology cash cow.

My first experience of Mr Tata’s media sensitivity was over a profile I wrote on him in The Economist in 1996. It was heavily edited, and the published version compared him and his satraps with feudal rule in medieval England, headlined At the court of King Ratan. Unsurprisingly, he was not impressed, and I arranged to meet him to smooth things over.

A few years later, when I was involved with Fortune magazine, a visiting reporter wrote a long and unflattering article in April 2002 headlined one of India’s most beloved companies…is also a mess.  Mr Tata had spent time with the author, including a helicopter trip with him at the controls, and he was furious, feeling let down. That prevented any formal contact between Fortune and the group for most of the rest of the decade. Such blacklisting is not unusual. Last year there were reports that companies were being advised not to advertise with some Indian media outlets because of their coverage of the telecoms and Radia scandals.

Mr Tata’s final weeks have seen another media upset, which led him to curtail his availability for interviews . The Financial Times met him earlier this month and, in the first of three articles, quoted him blaming the government for speaking with too many voices and slowing investment decisions. He also gave an interview to Tata’s in-house communications executive where he said his successor would have the challenge in India of sticking to Tata’s ethics or “surrendering to a venal system”.

The two interviews were rapidly reported together in the Indian and international media, highlighting the word “venal”, which led to the in-house interview being quickly removed from the website (it is still on the DNA newspaper site). Tata also issued a denial that both implied (inaccurately) that the FT had used the word “venal”, and secondly denied, somewhat implausibly since it had been an in-house interview, that Mr Tata had ever said used the word “in any manner”. That prompted a column in the Business Standard listing other occasions where Mr Tata had denied saying that he had said.

Such upsets are inevitably remembered by those involved, but they should not and cannot detract from the record of iconic leadership that Mr Tata has provided over the last two decades. He has changed many parts of the group and led it abroad to many countries including the UK where it is the largest private sector employer. He did that at a time when other big Indian companies, which thrive by bribing the Delhi and state governments, were shy of venturing into unknown territories.

He now retires to be chairman of the Tata’s charitable trusts that own 66% of the group, having handed over as chairman of Tata Sons, the main holding company, to Cyrus Mistry, a 44-year old businessman linked to the Tata family by marriage and the Parsi religion, and to the group by an 18% family equity stake.

To answer my questions at the start of this article, Mr Tata’s leadership has symbolised ethics and vision, despite a few bumps, and the gap left by his retirement is the absence of an Indian businessman with a similar renowned image in India and abroad.

Posted by: John Elliott | December 24, 2012

Merry Christmas!

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I have just returned from India Gate in central Delhi where police and paramilitary forces fired tear gas and water cannon at peaceful demonstrators, spectators including families, and mobile television studios at around 5pm at the end of six days of country-wide mass protests sparked by the gang rape of a young woman last Sunday night and subsequent government and police indifference.

This irrational vicious action undermined work done during the day by Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul, as leaders of the Congress Party, to push the largely inactive and apathetic government into positive action and dialogue with representatives of the protestors. More than 140 people were injured in Delhi during the day , including over 80 from the security forces, one of them critically.

I was standing about 100 yards east of the India Gate monumental arch, chatting to a television crew, when two massive water cannon vehicles moved round the side of the gate and advanced on us, followed by lathi (long stick) charging police and security forces.

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All around us hundreds of people – many of them young women – were clustered in groups, some singing and some listening to speeches on the theme of “Give us Justice”, while others watched television anchors and interviewers at work. Sellers of chai, sweet potato and other snacks were doing a brisk business.

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No one expected that the security personnel, who were attempting to clear troublemakers a few hundred yards to the west, would come round the monument and move towards us. “Stay by our tv installation and you’ll be ok,” joked Jehangir Pocha of  NewsX.

 

When it was clear that his television station’s trestle-table and equipment would not provide protection (click here for his live report), I turned and ran with the crowds till lathi charging police and paramilitary, lashing at anyone they could reach, caught up with us. It was then safer to walk back towards the enraged officials rather than appear to be running away, which is what I did with my hands half-raised saying “press, press”. The police dodged round me, wielding their lathis against whoever else was nearest.

Later, they continued irrationally to beat people, including women, mostly those walking or running on their own – a verbal instruction to leave the area would have been enough. The sound of tear gas shells going off nearby to deal with other demonstrators, including those fleeing from India Gate, could be heard for some time.

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I have often watched police and paramilitary brutality in India (and other nearby countries) but I have never before literally been in the middle of it.

If US drones on the Pakistan border fuel anti-American feeling, the police and paramilitary Rapid Action Force (RAF) did a good job this evening of turning ordinary people against them. Like the drones, the police and RAF personnel did not care how many innocent peaceful people they injured in their attempt to clear some violent demonstrators.

Some action was certainly justified. There had been trouble throughout the day west of India Gate on Rajpath, which had been taken over yesterday by thousands of protestors in astonishing and unprecedented day-long demonstrations.

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Today, several lines of security forces backed up by the water cannon vehicles formed a barrier to block entry to Rajpath from the India Gate concourse. For several hours they were literally face-to-face with rabble-rousers, almost all men, who taunted and provoked them.

Some tear gas shells were fired around 3pm, but an hour or so later the trouble-makers had managed to advance along Rajpath, smashing police barricades and pelting stones. Later they started fires with wooden media observation towers and fencing, and smashed barricades. This enlarged the area engulfed with violence, but the incidents were isolated and involved just a few dozen of the several thousand people there who were basically peaceful protestors or spectators out for a Sunday afternoon.

IMG_7644 trimdAs dusk fell, it was understandable that the police would want to stop these violent destructive demonstrations and deal with the offenders. That could however have been contained and there was no need for the water cannon and lathi-charging that engulfed the crowd around me and many others further away.

Sonia Gandhi first met the protestors outside her central-Delhi home just after midnight last night and then had a long meeting with a delegation this afternoon along with Rahul and a junior home minister.

She promised a speedy trial of six people arrested for last Sunday’s gang rape which took place in a Delhi bus, and also a review of laws affecting women and rape.

But along with promised other government measures, it was too little too late and the delegation refused to end the protests which, though sparked by the rape, are also directed at government inaction and indifference and – significantly given this evening’s official brutality – the country’s violent police and security forces who mostly see it as their job to beat and hurt the weak and defenceless, including women, instead of protecting them.

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Posted by: John Elliott | December 21, 2012

Narendra Modi challenges the Gandhis’ Idea of India

Anti-rape protestors reach the gates of the president’s palace

It is beginning to look as if the next general election could turn into a battle over the “idea of India” between the Hindu-nationalist, efficient, and growth-oriented approach of Narendra Modi, who was re-elected yesterday as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) chief minister of Gujarat, and the more all-embracing secular and populist but less efficient and often corrupt model offered by the Congress Party and its dynastic leader-in-waiting, Rahul Gandhi.

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“Rahul….represents the idea of India,” Salman Khurshid, India’s external affairs minister, said yesterday, commenting on television about Modi’s re-election with a phrase first used by Rabindranath Tagore.

The inference was that Modi (left) does not represent that idea because of his aggressive nationalist image and because he seems to be more concerned with courting business investment than caring for the poor and minorities, whereas Rahul Gandhi and his mother Sonia, the Congress president,  instinctively lean towards the softer inclusive option of aid handouts rather than challenging economic reforms.

Modi has a long way to go to become the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, and he has yet to show that he has any significant following outside Gujarat, where he has ruled since 2002; but the image of efficient administration that he offers could prove attractive at a time when there is growing impatience with the inadequacies of India’s government and administration.

That impatience has been shown this week with five days of countrywide demonstrations demanding action against rapists, following the gang rape of a 23-year old woman by five men in a bus while it was being driven round Delhi last Sunday night. The woman and a friend were dumped at a roadside near the airport and she is still critically ill in hospital.

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Today those demonstrations reached the gates of the presidential palace (right and below) alongside the imposing buildings of the home, defence, finance and foreign ministers and the prime ministers office – all of which have to varying degrees symbolised the lack of leadership offered by the government of prime minister Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi.

There is a huge gap between the way that India’s government and its officials run the country’s affairs and what is needed – and people, especially large sections of the country’s 300m middle class, are tiring of it. This week’s anti-rape protests echo the mass anti-corruption demonstrations that have built up in the past two years, but which have still not led to significant government action in either legislative or administrative reforms.

Measures to improve policing and protection of women have been announced today, but the initial police reaction was that rapists should be executed (supported by some demonstrators) and that women should not go out after dark and should carry chilli powder to throw at attackers. That is typical of India’s response to many problems – grab attention with headline-catching ideas that divert attention from basic reforms – in this case the attitudes of habitually cruel but also grossly under-trained and under-supported police.

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Political parties have condemned the rape and called for action to protect women, but a study released yesterday by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) showed that since 2007, 20 men accused of rape have represented those parties in state elections since 2007 along with 260 more men charged with other crimes against women, including molestation.

The Gandhi family has tried to build a more constructive image in recent months by backing some economic reforms, including controversial foreign investment in supermarkets. The government has improved its presentation, with 80-year old Manmohan Singh visibly looking less glum and with positive policies emanating from the finance minister, Palaniappan Chidambaram and others. Reforms passed by parliament have this week included long-pending banking and company legislation.

In Gujarat, Modi won his third assembly election victory with 115 seats, less than the 117 in 2007 and 127 in 2002, but nevertheless a convincing win. Congress marginally improved its tally with 61 seats compared with 59 and 52 before. It also won a state assembly election in Himachal Pradesh (with a leader named in a recent coal industry corruption scandal), where Modi campaigned for the BJP with little apparent effect.

BJP national leaders now have to decide whether and how to restrict or accept Modi’s national ambitions. He indicated his aims yesterday in a victory speech, which he delivered in Hindi instead of the Gujarati he used in the campaign. He was, he said, serving “Mother India” as well as Gujarat, and he apologised for unstated past “mistakes”.

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Other BJP leaders have prime ministerial ambitions, and they all know that accepting Modi as a national leader would make it difficult to attract partners in their National Democratic Alliance (NDA) for the general election campaign- Nitish Kumar, leader of the Janata Dal (United) and chief minister of Bihar, has warned he would pull out.

That might mean that the BJP would have to run its campaign with very few allies and then hope that it would attract partners if it won enough seats to have a chance of forming a government. With Modi’s unproven track record outside Gujarat however, that would be a big gamble, though one solution might be to twin Modi with another more acceptable leader.

It is now up to Modi to build himself a more national image based on meeting peoples’ growing aspirations with effective government and economic growth, and without recourse to the emotive issues of religious intolerance and fear of (Pakistan-originated) terrorism that he used in the earlier state elections.

What is surely certain is that India is in a mood for at least some of the more constructive Modi ideas. It is less clear that it wants more of the Gandhis’ with Rahul (above). In the end, probably neither Modi nor a Gandhi will win, but the two men epitomise at least partiallythe debate of what is the idea of India and what India needs.

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